Introduction to Rarotonga History Part III
FROM the period of Vai-takere, when, as appears probable, the people were living in Indonesia, down to that of Tu-tarangi, whose epoch has been shown to be about A.D. 450, there is again complete silence as to the doings of the people, and nothing whatever is related of the sixteen ancestors who separate the two people mentioned. In Tu-tarangi's time the people were living in Fiji, for that place and Avaiki are named as his country, which, from the names of other places now for the first time mentioned, such as Amama1 and Avarua, means Avaiki-raro, which name—to the Rarotongans—covers the Fiji, Samoan and Tonga groups. It is probable that, during this period of 450 years between Vai-takere and Tu-tarangi, that the people had moved on from Indonesia to Fiji, and had occupied part of the latter group. It is obvious from the incidental references in the legends that they were there in considerable numbers at this time, which would lead us to infer that their occupation of that group had already extended over some time. Fornander quotes the year A.D. 76 as corresponding with the commencement of the Malay Empire in the Indian Archipelago, and “then commenced those wars against the Rakshasas, the Polynesio-Cushite pre Malay inhabitants, which ended in their subjugation, isolation or expulsion throughout the archipelago. Eighty years from that time bring us to the period of Wakea, and the same time possibly brought the Malays from Java and Sumatra, where they first set foot, to Timor, Gilolo and the Philippines.”2 But by the method of com-
puting dates used in this paper, Wakea's period would be about the year A.D. 390, and this is probably more reasonable. This intrusive Malay race—if they were Malays—would not probably in eighty years have spread all over the Archipelago in sufficient numbers to have expelled the Polynesians. No doubt there was a time when the two races were in contact, and the Malays learnt from the Polynesians some words of their language, together with some of their customs. On the other hand, it is very probable that part of the Polynesian race never left the Archipelago, and that the Polynesian influences on the Malay language and customs may have been derived from those who remained.
We cannot, however, at the present time settle when the Polynesians left Indonesia. All that can be said is that, so far as the Hawaiian and Rarotongan branches (including the Maoris) are concerned, they left between the first and fifth centuries. From the want of any direct traditions amongst the Samoans and Tongans, it is probable that they had preceded the others and were the first to enter the Pacific. They have been so long there that all tradition of their arrival is lost, and hence they have come to look on themselves as autocthones. The very vague references in Samoan history to arrivals from without the group have little value for historical purposes. There is one name of a country mentioned in Samoan tradition which seems at first sight to point to a place of greater distance than others. This is 'Atafu, but this is easily identified with the Fiji island of Kandavu, if we remember that the n in Fijian is merely expressive of the nasal pronunciation of d, and that Samoans do not use the k—their k being the t of other dialects.
Starting from Avaiki-te-varinga, which is probably Java, the route followed by the migrations would be viâ the Celebes, Ceram and Gilolo to the north shores of New Guinea. Finding this country already occupied by the Papuans, they would coast along to the south-east end, where it would seem a very early migration settled, which is now represented by the Motu and cognate tribes. This same route was probably followed by the ancestors of the Rarotongans, until they branched off past New Britain and the Solomon Islands on their way to Fiji, probably leaving a colony at Hikiana, or Steward's Island, off the coast of the Solomons, where the people speak a dialect of Maori or Rarotongan, and are Polynesians. Whether Howe's Island, or Le Veneva (which I suspect is Le Venua), also called Ontong Java, was peopled at this time is uncertain. It is inhabited by Polynesians, as Mr. Churchill tells me. Possibly Nuku-oro and Luku-noa also were colonized at this time. In more than one Rarotongan tradition an island or country is mentioned, named Enua-kura, or the “land of red feathers,” which is possibly New Guinea, so called by the Rarotongans
after the Bird of Paradise, the beautiful feathers of which would be to them treasures of the highest value. Again, in one of their traditions is mentioned Papua, a name that is also to be found on Rarotonga itself. Whether this Papua is New Guinea cannot be determined until we know positively whether this is an old name of New Guinea, or any part of it, or not. It has been doubted, and the name said to be of Malay origin. Papua is certainly one of the places, according to their traditions, where the Rarotongans called or stayed at on their migration. It is mentioned by Rarotongan tradition, and shown on Tupaea's chart of 1773, long before any Polynesians could have been acquainted with the name of New Guinea.
In the time of Tu-tarangi, one tradition states that the people had arrived in Iti, or Fiji, but I think this may be interpreted to mean the eastern part of Fiji, not that they first then arrived in the group. The story says, “Tu-tarangi was the chief who made war in that country. He conquered Iti-nui, Iti-rai, Iti-takai-kere, Iti-a-naunau, Tonga, Nuku, Anga-ura, Kuru-pongi, Ara-matietie, Mata-te-ra, Uea, Vai-rota, Katua-pai (? Atu-apai), Vavau, Enua-kura, Eremanga, and all other islands in that neighbourhood. He also conquered part of Manuka, but on proceeding to the other side he lost his chief warrior, Kurueke.” The reason given for this war is, like so many Polynesian stories, rather childish. Tu-tarangi owned two birds named Aroa-uta and Aroa-tai,3 which he valued very much for the purpose of catching fish. They were borrowed by Tane-au-vaka, who killed them. Then comes an account of the making of some sacred spears, in which the gods take part, and with which Kuru, the famous warrior, kills Ti-tape-uta and Ti-tape-tai, the children of Tu-tavake, besides others, and finally slays Tane-au-vaka, the destroyer of the birds. Eventually Kuru goes to Amama, where he himself is killed by Maru-mamao.
From a study of the various traditions relating to this period, it would seem that prior to, or about the time of Tu-tarangi4 (a.d. 450), the people had already reached the Tonga Group, and communicated with Samoa, possibly establishing colonies there, but in no great numbers, and the people whom they came in contact with would be the original migration of Samoans. There is nothing whatever to indicate the presence of the true Fijians (or Melanesians) in Fiji at that time, and the wars referred to appear to have been with their own
race—that is, with some of the other tribal organisations who probably arrived in the group from Indonesia at nearly the same period. As yet, there had been no mention of any of the groups of Eastern Polynesia, in connection with their migrations—we only now meet with their names for the first time.
We know so little of Tongan history that nothing of great importance can be adduced in support of the supposition that at this time (A.D. 450) the group was first peopled. And yet, the few notices there are on the subject, outside the Rarotonga history, seem to indicate that this must have been about the time of the colonization of Tonga-tapu, and that it was this Maori-Rarotongan people who were found in possession when a later migration from Samoa took place. It is certain, however, that in the time of Tu-tarangi's grandson, or great-grandson, that the Maori-Rarotongan branch of the race was living in Tonga-tapu, Vavau and Haapai.
The Rarotonga histories say that, in consequence of the wars originated by Kuru, Taa-kura and Ari, the people spread out (from Fiji) to all the islands—to Avaiki-runga (Eastern Polynesia), Iti-nui (Great Fiji), Iti rai (Large Fiji), Iti-anaunau, Iti-takai-kere, Tonganui (or Tonga-tapu), Tonga-ake (probably East Tonga), Tonga-piritia, Tonga-manga, Tonga-raro (Leeward Tonga, perhaps Eua Island), Tonga-anue, Avaiki-raro (Sav?i'i), Kuporu (Up?lu), Manuka (Manu'a), Vavau, Niua-pou (Niua-fou), Niua-taputapu (Keppel's Island), &c. Many of these Tonga islands cannot be recognised under the names here given, but they are most likely Rarotongan names for the several islands around Haapai and between there and Tonga-tapu.
It was during this period, when the people occupied the Fiji Group, and were spreading gradually to Samoa and Tonga, that flourished the Polynesian hero Tinirau, about whom there are quite a number of legends. The Native History of Rarotonga contains one version of this series, and from it we learn that Tinirau lived in Iti-takai-kere, one of the Fiji islands, but which cannot now be determined. Here he married Tu-kai-tamanu's daughter Te M?m?-ikurangi. After a time, Tinirau removed to Up?lu, and here is laid the scene with Kae, a chief of Sav?i'i, well known in Maori history, and referred to in Samoan traditions. The marvellous enters this story, as it does with nearly all those of the heroes of this epoch. Tinirau possessed an island called Motu-tapu, which at his bidding moved from place to place, besides some wonderful object endowed with the powers of Aladdin's lamp. It is clear, however, that Tinirau was an historical personage, and the Maoris trace descent from him. He was “a chief of great power and beauty, and of great fame in ancient days; whilst numerous wonders were due to his action. He possessed a famous fish-pond at Up?lu, and it was in Up?lu also that
Ari built his house, of which the pillars were stone, as were the rafters, whilst a stream flowed through it.” Ari has been shown to be contemporary with Tu-tarangi (circa A.D. 450), and here he is accredited with being the builder of what I believe to be Le Fale-o-le-Fe'e, situated in the mountains behind Ap?a, Up?lu, the origin of which is not known to the Samoans. It is possibly through Tinirau's connection with this famous fish-pond, called “Nga-tama-ika-a-Tinirau,” that he subsequently came to be considered the king of all fish in Mangaian traditions, as related by Dr. Wyatt Gill in his “Myths and Songs from the Pacific.” In Maori story, Tinirau is connected with an abundant harvest of fish, which at his order filled all the village in which the scene is laid; but he is not alluded to as the “King of Fish,” as in Mangaia.
The next historical note we have is about Renga-ariki, who lived in Fiji. He flourished fifty-one generations ago, or in the time of Tu-tarangi's great great grandson, in other words about the year 575. There is a long story about him and his doings, together with those of his wife Kau-oia-ki-te-matangi, but none of historical interest. Renga-ariki's son was Tu-tonga-kai-a-Iti, and he was expelled from Fiji to Tonga-nui, where he became a ruling chief, “without a god, he himself was his own god.” But his brother, Turi-pakea, was a tangata araara atua, a worshipper of gods, which gods befriended him in the trouble he got into with his brother Tu-tonga.
In the times of Tu-tonga-kai-a-Iti, who lived in Tonga-nui, intercourse was frequent with Upolu; we find him sending there a present of kura (red feathers) to induce a seer named Tara-mata-kikite to disclose to him the name of the person who had stolen a valued pig, about which there is a long story in the Native history to follow this.
The people—the Tonga-Fijians of Samoan story—at this time had evidently spread all over the groups around Fiji, and had occupied Samoa; but, I apprehend, only the coasts of the latter group. From this period onwards for some twenty-five generations, the intercourse between the Rarotongan ancestors and those of Samoa was close and frequent, for even after the former moved onwards to the east, voyages were constantly made backwards to Samoa as we shall see. The Samoan traditions very frequently mention the intercourse between Samoa and Fiji, and it seems to me that the Rarotonga traditions explain why this is so, the fact being that the Samoans in visiting Fiji, met with people of their own race, and not the Melanesian Fijians who now occupy that group, otherwise the frequent intermarriages of Samoans with Fijians noted in the traditions of the former would shew in the Samoans of to-day, which they do not, there is little or no sign of a Melanesian intermixture.
I take this epoch to be the commencement of that at which, according to Samoan story, the so-called Tongans and Fijians commenced to occupy the coasts of Sav?i'i and Up?lu, but who were in reality the Maori-Rarotonga branch of the race—who, in alliance with their Tonga relatives, for a long time inhabited parts of Samoa. It is said that the Tongans occupied the south side of Sav?i'i, whilst the Fijians resided on the north; and it must have been the same in Up?lu, for I have already pointed out that Samoan story says that the ruins of the stone fonndations of their houses, roads, enclosures, &c., in the interior of Up?lu are remains of their ancient habitations during the time the Tonga-Fijians occupied the coasts. The close of this occupation was at the time known in Samoan story as that connected with the “Matamata-me,” when, after the defeat of the Tonga-Fijians at Alei-pata, east end of Up?lu, and when they were chased along both coasts by Tuna and Fata, chiefs of Samoa, peace was made at the west end of the island, and the King (ruling chief) of Tonga engaged not again to return to Samoa except in peace. It was at this time the first Malie-toa took his name. From a mean of five genealogical tables given by Messrs. B?low and Stuebel (varying from twenty-three to twenty-eight) we may take the period of this Malie-toa as twenty-four generations ago, or about the year 1250. This occupation of Samoa may therefore be said to have extended over some 550 to 600 years, and a very important period in Polynesian history it was, as we shall see. The year 1250 is about the date of Karika's leaving Samoa to settle in Rarotonga, of which more anon.5
It was probably at the time of this spreading of the people from Fiji to Samoa and Tonga, and when they were in alliance in their occupation of these groups, that they visited other islands to the west, as quoted by Fornander in the following note, vol. i, p. 34: “We now know, from New Caledonian traditions, as reported by Dr. V. de Rochas (‘La Nouvelle Caledonie,’ &c.), that in olden times joint and singular expeditions of Fijians and Tongans frequently invaded New Caledonia and conquered tracts of land for themselves, and that the higher aristocracy and subordinate chiefs of to-day claim descent from the leaders of those predatory parties; that, owing to this influx, the language possesses a great variety of idioms; that the main stock, however, of the population is of the original Papuan (Melanesian). And, as circumcision is also practised amongst them, it may, for want of more precise knowledge of its origin and introduction there, with great probability be ascribed to that same Tonga-Vitian element.” This element is, I think, no doubt the Maori-Rarotongan one, that then occupied Fiji.
In the time of Tu-tonga-kai-a-Iti mentioned above, Mataru was ariki of Up?lu, who was succeeded by his youngest son Te Memeru, whose grandson was Te Emaema-a-rangi, whose son was Em?, the father of Taaki and Karii, very famous ancestors of the Maoris, who name them Tawhaki and Karihi, and who flourished about the year 700.
From about the period of Em? (Maori Hem?) commences Maori history. From his sons descend lines of ancestors to people now living in New Zealand, whilst other lines come down to people living both in Rarotonga and Hawaii, and probably in Samoa also. But we have now arrived at a very important epoch in Polynesian history, and it will be necessary to go back for a couple of generations and show in what this importance consists, and consider
If reference be made to the genealogical table at the end of this paper it will be seen that at forty-eight generations ago, or about the year 650, there flourished a man named Ui-te-rangiora, who was a contemporary of Em?'s father. It was in Ui-te-rangiora's time that the voyages of discovery emanating from Fiji first began, and many islands were discovered and settled by the people. The following account is condensed from two different narratives in the Native History which differ somewhat, but the main facts are the same, and by carefully considering them and abstracting the marvellous, we shall find a residue of truth that is real history. At this period the head-quarters of the people was in Fiji, with colonies in the Tonga and Samoa groups, and as appears probable, some of their branches were still living in Indonesia; indeed, the precise statement is made that they did not cease communication with Avaiki-te-varinga until the time of Tangiia, or in 1250, when the voyages thither finally ended for ever through causes which will be referred to later on.
Ui-te-rangiora decided on building a p?i, or great canoe, and e ivi langata te rakau i taua p?i (“men's bones were the wood of that canoe,”) the keel of which was named Te ivi o Atea (“Atea's bones”)—a name which the canoe appears also to have borne. I am inclined to think that the interpretation of this curious statement is that bones of their enemies were used in part of the construction of the vessel, in the same manner as men's bones (enemies) are used in making spears, fishhooks, &c. This was done by way of insult, and for fear of this occurring the bones of great chiefs were always hidden away most carefully by persons specially selected, and who could be relied on to keep the secret. To complete this celebrated vessel, a sacred tree called Te Tamoko-o-te-Rangi was felled, and part of it made into drums,6 tapa-beating logs, and boards. This sacrilege led to a war
between Ui-te-rangiora and the owners of the tree, the descendants of Taakura and Ari mentioned before, and a determination on the part of many to emigrate to other parts. Hence resulted a final severance of some of the people from the main stock, who settled on many other islands to the east.
This was the commencement of the great voyages of the Raro-tongans and Maoris, during the continuance of which they—in the words of the history—“visited every place on earth,” and they became “a people accomplished in navigating vessels.” Of course we must read “every place on earth” as the world known to the Polynesians of that age, which from the names of places given below, embraced a very large portion of the Pacific. I do not suppose that Ui-te-rangiora visited or discovered all the islands named, but it is clear from references in other accounts that he discovered a large number of them. The statement is made that when a canoe rotted, others were built, so it would seem that the voyages extended over very many years.
The following is the list of lands discovered or visited at this period:—
This long list of islands winds up with the statement, “others remain, the greater part is not written.” A large number of the islands cannot be recognised, as the names are old ones, not now in use, but others are easily identified. We see that these voyages extended, according to the list, from New Zealand to the Hawaii Islands, some 4,000 miles, and from (probably) the New Hebrides to Easter Island, about 5,000 miles, besides voyages back to Avaiki in Indonesia, a far greater distance. The islands mentioned in the Hawaiian Group are Vaii (Hawaii, Vaihi being its Tahitian name, and Waihi its Maori name), Tava?, which is Kauai (spelled Tauai until early in this century), Ngangai, which I have shown to be Lanai, and Maro-ai, which I take to be Molokai, but neither Maui nor Oahu are mentioned. Au-taria-nui and Au-taria-iti I do recognise, but they are islands apparently in the Western Pacific, which the Rarotongans were in the habit of visiting so late as the thirteenth century. Mareva is one of the islands mentioned in the Marquesan traditions as one of the stopping-places on their migration from the west, but which island it is now impossible to say.
On a previous page, the period at which the Hawaiian Islands were first settled was deduced from Fornander's data to be the year 650. According to Rarotonga history, this is the exact date at which the voyages under Ui-te-rangiora commeuced. The traditions of the two branches of the race therefore confirm one another in a remarkable manner, for it is shown above that Hawaii was one of the group visited or discovered at this time. It follows from this that the Hawaiians are a branch of these Maori-Rarotongans.
New Zealand is mentioned in the list of places visited, and the question arises, Did any of the visitors remain there? It is now well known that this country had a considerable population before the arrival of the fleet in 1350, who were divided into tribes, the names alone of which are retained, the people having been absorbed to a large extent by the newcomers. But the genealogical tables of these New Zealand tangata whenua (or aborigines) are not at all satisfactory, from want of the means of checking them. Toi-kai-rakau can be shown to have lived, by the mean of a large number of tables, at twenty-eight
generations ago, or about 1150. From him, back to the earliest known ancestor of the tangata whenua who lived in this country, the most reliable table gives twelve generations, or forty in all from the year 1850. In other words, they carry us back to the year 850 about, at which time Ti-wakawaka was visited by a voyager named Maku, who came to New Zealand from Mata-ora. This is 200 years after the period of Ui-te-rangiora, when the epoch of long voyages set in, and it would seem probable that during this 200 years the first immigrants settled themselves in New Zealand.
Of the other islands of the Pacific which were first settled at this time, we have so little information as to their histories that nothing can be stated with certainty. It is probable that Easter Island was colonised about this period, and that the Marquesas received accessions to the population, if they were not for the first time then occupied, which I think is most probable. We have seen from a former page that at forty generations ago (or in 850) the Tahitian groups had people living on them, and most likely they were colonised at about the period of Ui-te-Rangiora's voyages, or in 650.
All of the voyages indicated above, and others to be referred to later on, may cause surprise at their extent, but they were made in the tropical regions of the world, with numerous islands on the way, at which the voyagers could rest and replenish their stores. But I now come to one made by this daring navigator, Ui-te-rangiora, in his celebrated canoe Te Ivi-o-Atea, which outshines all the others, and shows him to have been a man worthy of taking his place amongst many of our own most fearless navigators of ages long subsequent to the seventh century. In the history of Te Aru-tanga-nuku, who in his time was also a great voyager, we find the following: “The desire of the ariki Te Aru-tanga-nuku and all his people on the completion of the canoe, was to behold all the wonderful things seen by those of the vessel Te Ivi-o-Atea in former times. These were those wonderful things:—the rocks that grow out of the sea, in the space7 beyond Rapa8; the monstrous seas; the female that dwells in those mountainous waves, whose tresses wave about in the waters and on the surface of the sea; and the frozen sea of pia, with the deceitful animal of that sea who dives to great depths—a foggy, misty, and dark place not seen by the sun. Other things are like rocks, whose summits pierce the skies, they are completely bare and without any vegetation on them.” The above is as literal a translation as I can make, and the meaning is quite clear; that the bare rocks that grow out of the frozen sea are
the icebergs of the Antarctic; the tresses that float on the monstrous waves are the long leaves of the bull-kelp—often 50 feet long—quite a new feature to a people who dwelt in the tropics, where there is nothing of the kind; the deceitful animal that dives so deep, is the walrus or the sea-lion or sea-elephant. The frozen ocean is expressed by the term Te tai-uka-a-pia, in which tai is the sea, uka (Maori huka) is ice, a pia means—a, as, like, after the manner of; pia, the arrowroot, which when scraped is exactly like snow, to which this simple people compared it as the only or best simile known to them. Now, the Antarctic ice is to be found south of Rapa, in about latitude 50° in the summer time, and consequently both Ui-te-rangiora and Te Arutanga-nuku at different times (250 years apart) must have gone to those high latitudes, as the story says, “to see the wonders of the ocean.”
Who, after this, will deny to the Polynesians the honour that is their due as skilful and daring navigators! Here we find them boldly pushing out into the great unknown ocean in their frail canoes, actuated by the same love of adventure and discovery that characterises our own race. Long before our ancestors had learnt to venture out of sight of land, these bold sailors had explored the Antarctic seas, and traversed the Pacific Ocean from end to end. Considering the means at their command—their lightly-built canoes (sewn together with sinnet), the difficulty of provisioning the crew, the absence of any instruments to guide them—I feel justified in claiming for these bold navigators as high a place in the honour-roll as many of our own distinguished Arctic or Antarctic explorers.
From the times of Ui-te-rangiora (circa 650) to those of the last settlement on Rarotonga in 1250, the history is full of references to voyages to all parts of the Central Pacific and Hawaii. There was constant movement to and fro, showing the truth of the native historian when he says, “they became able navigators.” But it would appear that it was not until towards the close of this period that the voyagers ceased to visit Fiji and the neighbouring groups, as well as Indonesia, and the cause for this is, I suggest, the growing importance of the Melanesian element in the Fijian Group. But we are anticipating, and must now return to the period of Em? and his descendants (circa 700).
We have now followed the Rarotongan histories down to a point when Maori and Moriori traditions begin to shed their light on the course of events, for this is their “Heroic Period,” when flourished so many of their heroes whose deeds are embodied in tradition and song, and which form the classics of their branch of the race. Full as the
accounts of this period are of the marvellous, the historical parts may easily be sifted out. Such as they are, they are probably not more full of the supernatural or wonderful than the old world classics of the Greeks and others. They carry us back to much the same culture-level depicted in the Iliad, and other works of that and succeeding ages, where the gods took part in the affairs of man.
By both Maori and Rarotonga histories Em? (Hema) was the father of the two brothers Karii (Karihi) and Taaki (Tawhaki). It will be seen by the general table at the end of this article that Rarotonga lines of ancestors come down through Karii, whilst the Maori lines descend from Tawhaki.9 In accordance with this, the Rarotonga traditions make Karii the eldest son, and most important ariki of the two; it is just the contrary with the Maoris, with whom Tawhaki is the elder brother, and the ariki, a piece of national pride on the part of both branches of the race. Apparently, the Rarotongans trace no descent from Tawhaki, though many Maoris do. I have already pointed out that Rarotonga history makes Taaki to have flourished forty-six generations ago, whilst the Maori table published in this Journal, vol. vii, p. 40, makes him to have lived forty-eight generations ago, by taking the date of Turi as twenty generations ago. We may therefore fix the date of Tawhaki as about the year 700.
The Rarotonga stories of these two heroes are similar in most respects to those of the Maoris, whilst they differ in detail. Their mother (according to the first) was Ua-uri-raka-moana. On one occasion she commanded Karii to perform an operation on her head, which Karii refused to do. She then said, “My son, thou shall not remain an ariki. Thou shalt serve!” Taaki was then directed to do the same thing. He did so; and after retiring to his own district of Murei-tangaroa, it was not long before great power (mana) entered suddenly into him, and soon the news spread that the country was illuminated by him, the lightning flashing from his body. (The Maori story is the same here.) Karii now became jealous and angry at the power of his younger brother, especially because their father Em? had turned to Taaki, which caused Karii to offer his parent at the marae as a sacrifice to the gods.10 Much fighting ensued at Murei-tangaroa and Murei-kura, two mountains where Taaki's home was, in which his sisters Inano-mata-kopikopi and Puapua-ma-inano took part. After
this Taaki is invited to bathe in Vai-porutu stream, where he is killed by Karii, but is brought to life again by the incantations of his sisters. Then he decides to go in search of his father Em?, and is warned of the dangers on the way by his mother, the dangers consisting of some vaine taae, wild or fierce women, called “Nga-ti-koma.” Taaki now proceeds to the Nu-roa-i-Iti, where the vaine-taae are anxious to secure him as a husband, but he is directed on his course to Tangaroa-akaputu-ara—who has his father's body—by another woman, Apai-ma-mouka.11 Further on he meets another lady, who advises him to hasten, as the gods are already collecting firewood to roast his father. Taaki finally succeeds in obtaining his father's body, after defeating a number of atua or gods, besides bringing back with him several valuables, the names of which do not help us to ascertain what they were. The story of Taaki ends here. It is much like that of the Maoris, except that the latter mentions in song and story the ascent of Tawhaki to heaven by the toi-mau—a special kind of connection between heaven and earth—where he meets Whaitiri or Kui the blind woman,12 and obtains his wife Hapai. This ascent, according to Rarotonga story, is by or to the Nu-roa-i-Iti, which seems to be the name of a place in Fiji. The tall coconut at Fiji, is the translation.
In considering the many versions of this story of Tawhaki as preserved by the Maoris, and more especially in one collected by the late John White, wherein are mentioned the names of Sav?i'i, Up?lu, and Tutuila, and the wars in which Tawhaki engaged there, it has always been my idea that this marvellous ascent into heaven after his father's bones, was in prosaic reality, merely the climbing up a mountain-cliff by means of a rope amongst an alien people, who had killed his father. I would suggest that it was to one of the Fijian islands that Tawhaki went, either when residing in Fiji or in Samoa, and that the atuas and vaine taaehere, are merely the Melanesians, who at this period must have been in parts of the group. Taaki, by both Rarotonga and Maori story, was a very handsome man; hence the vaine taae (Melanesian women?) desired him.
In connection with this mountain—if it was such—where the gods lived, reference should be made to Mr. Basil Thompson's account of the first occupation of Fiji by the Melanesians, and his description of Nakauvandra mountain in Viti-levu as the home of Fijian gods, and
especially of Ndengei, a name which is supposed to be the Fijian equivalent of Tangaroa13 in whose keeping (see above) were the bones of Taaki's father.
The Maori stories relating to Tawhaki, from whatever part of New Zealand they are collected, are extremely persistent in stating that his son was Wahie-roa, and his grandson R?t?. The first of these names does not appear in the Rarotongan Native History; indeed, no descendants of Tawhaki are given, and the incidents connected with R?t?'s miraculous canoe are assigned to 250 years after the former flourished, when the name of R?t? is first mentioned. The persistency of these Maori stories, confirmed as they are by Hawaiian traditions, makes it clear that these people were one family—descending from father to son—and I am inclined to think this was the age (the years 700 to 775) in which they lived. To me, the whole series of stories the Maoris have preserved—and they are very numerous—about these heroes, point to the contact with another race, which can be no other than the Melanesian. From what has been said before, it was Fiji and Samoa in which they lived; and one of the Maori stories says that Tawhaki ascended a mountain called Whiti-haua, in which Whiti is the Maori pronunciation of Rarotongan Iti—Fiji. Connected with these heroes are the names Whiti, Matuku and Peka, all given, at different times, as the names of fierce semi-human monsters. In them I see the names of islands, used metaphorically for the people of those islands. Peka is the Tongan name for Bengga, of the Fiji Group, and Matuku is also a well-known name of one of the Fiji islands. In one of the same series of stories is mentioned a place called Muri-wai-o-ata, and this is the name of a stream on the south coast of Up?lu, as I quite accidentally learnt when fording it with Mr. Churchill and our tula-fale, who gave me the name.
It has been shown previously that several places in Samoa are connected with the name of Rata. Dr. Turner says, “Near the place where Fa'atoafe lived (on the south side of Sav?i'i) there are two hills, which are said to be the petrified double-canoe of Lata. Lata came of old from Fiji, was wrecked there, went on shore, and lived on the land still called by his name in the neigbourhood of the settlement of Salai-lua. He visited Up?lu and built two large canoes at Fangaloa, but died before the deck to unite them had been completed. To Lata is traced the introduction of the large double-canoes united with a deck, and which of old were in use in Samoa. Seu-i-le-va'a-o-Lata (or ‘steersman in the canoe of Lata’) is a name not yet extinct in Samoa.”14
The names of Wahie-roa and Rata are, however, known to the Rarotongans, as Queen Makea told me, although not given in the history. Dr. Wyatt Gill also mentions them, in “Myths and Songs from the Pacific,” where the scene of their adventures is laid in Kuporu (Up?lu), Iti-marama (Maori, Whiti-marama), or Fiji and Avaiki (Sav?i'i).
I have shown at page 167 of this Journal, vol. vii, the Hawaiian poetical references to Tawhaki's search for his father's bones.
After Taaki's adventures above we hear no more of him in Rarotonga story, and then the genealogical table gives the name of Karii's son Karii-kaa, and his grandson Turi, who married Varavara-ura, the sister of Papa-neke. There is an inconsequential story about Turi, but not worthy of note, and then the history is silent as to the descendants of Papa-neke for five generations, when we again come on Maori history in the person of Apakura. This lady fills a large space in Maori and Moriori tradition, but so far as I am aware, she is not known to those of any other branch of the race except the Rarotongans—a fact of some significance.
The period of Apakura is distinguished in Maori history by the burning of the house or temple named Te Tihi—or Uru-o-Man?no, and in Rarotonga tradition by the first occupation of Rarotonga. According to the genealogical table appended hereto, we find that Apakura lived circa 875, or thirty-nine generations ago. Unfortunately, the Maori tables are contradictory as to the date of Apakura; that given at p. 40, vol. vii, of this Journal only makes four generations between her and Tawhaki, whilst the Rarotongan gives seven. For reasons which have been stated, we are safe in taking the latter as being the more correct. In Maori history the story of Apakura is probably the most noted of all their ancient traditions. There are numerous old songs about her, and many references in the ancient laments; indeed, she may be said to be the “champion mourner” of the race, so much so, that one species of lament or dirge is called an apakura after her. Judging from the length and detail of the Rarotonga story of her doings, she occupies an equally prominent place in their regards; but, strange to say, while the incidents of the story are nearly the same in both dialects, the name of Te-Uru-o-Man?no is not mentioned in Rarotongan. The burning of this temple in the traditions of the latter people is apparently represented by Apakura's destruction of the marae by fire.
The scene of our story has now shifted from Fiji to the Atu-Apai, or Haapai group, some 380 miles east-south-east from central Fiji, and 360 miles south-west from Samoa. In this name Atu-Apai we recognise the Ati-Hapai of Maori story, which, as it is written, means the Hapai people, or tribe; but I think this is the common substitution of the i for u, and that the name was originally in Maori, Atu-Hapai.
We will now follow out in brief the Rarotonga account of this period, for the final result was an important one. Apakura was the one sister of a family of ten brothers, whose names were Papa-neke, Papa-tu, Papa-noo,15 Ta??, Tapa-kati, step-brothers, and Oro-keva-uru,16 the eldest, Apopo-te-akatinatina, Apopo-te-ivi-roa (the Hapopo of Maori story), Tangiia-ua-roro, and Iriau-te-marama, her own brothers, of whom Oro-keva-uru was the ariki or ruling chief of Atu-Apai, Vaea-te-ati-nuku being Apakura's husband. Her son was Tu-ranga-taua, known to Maori history as Tu-whaka-raro.
In their low tree-shaded home of Apai, an island that is nowhere elevated more than twenty feet above sea-level, fierce jealousy sprung up in the heart of theariki against Apakura's son Tu-ranga-taua, on account of his beauty and skill. The people engaged in the game of teka, or dart-throwing, and Tu-ranga-taua's dart far exceeded the flight of the ariki's; and so hate grew up in his heart, and the handsome Tu-ranga-taua was demanded of his mother as a sacrifice to the cannibal lusts of the chief. But she, having in mind the near relationship of her son to the ariki, refused her consent. Then follows, as so often occurs in the Native history, a song, very pretty in the original, but the translation must await the promised help from Rarotonga. At last, after due ceremony and many messengers had come and gone, Apakura, with tears and lamentations, adorns her son in all the finery of savagedom, preparatory to the sacrifice. The boy now gives his parting words to his parent: “O my mother! This is my last word to thee. Thou shalt lament for me, and in so doing thou shalt call on one to avenge me. Thus shalt thou lament; and thou must remain where thou art, for when the sere ti-leaf falls across our threshold, thou wilt know that I am dead. And when thou seest this sign, upraise the cover of our drinking spring, and behold, if the waters thereof are red, then surely am I gone for ever.” Thus saying, he kissed (rubbed noses with) his mother, and, taking his spear, departed.
Coming to the crowd around the ready-prepared oven, the ariki said, “Take and smite him! Let not his feet tread the paving of the marae, lest it be defiled.” And then Tu-ranga-taua, with the words of a brave warrior, uttered his challenge: “'Tis Tu-ranga-taua of the Atu-apai! The son born of the gods! Stand off, ye oven-builders; and ye of the long spears; ye offspring of the oven's smoke! Ye all shall flee before my spear, and all your heads, be they five hundred, shall lie in the dust!” He had advanced to the steps of the marae,
where the ariki and his five hundred men were standing. “Seize him! smite him to his death!” cried the chief; and again Tu-ranga-taua uttered his challenge, at the same time attacking the crowd, he put them to flight. Again he attacked the bands under Apopo-te-akatinatina and Apopo-te-ivi-roa, which surrounded him on all sides, but he defeated them all, and reached the central part of the marae. Then, being much exhausted with his efforts, the other uncles attacked him, and Tu-ranga-taua fell under their blows.
When the morning came, the mother went forth lamenting her son, and to burn her house and gardens, as a token of her desolation. And so she came in front of the sacred place, where the people were assembled, who cried out to the ariki, “Alas! she has even reached our sacred spot.” The chief, in answer, said, “Why do ye cry out? Is not the son of Apakura within your coco-nut food baskets?” Others said, “O! she is in the very marae itself. Alas! she has burnt it with fire!” Again the ariki spoke, “Why speaks the mouth?” “Is he not within your baskets?” Not one answered to that; all mouths were closed. After a time said one, “We are all partakers of the same sin.” The ariki speaking, reproved them, “Ye are like green coco-nuts, and foolish withal—the high chiefs, the priests, the orators, the leaders, the lesser chiefs; indeed, even the very warriors. Not one has a word of wisdom; the land is in fear. Not one of us shall remain alive—not a single one—because amongst ye there is not one that can speak a word to save us. We shall serve—we shall be slaves.” And their hearts all sank at those words.
And now Apakura returned to her home and took her clothes and rent them, tearing off a fragment, and dying it in tumeric, and blackened it with tuitui(candle nut). Then she passed through the length of the land; but no one would receive her. Again she returned, and taking another fragment of her clothing, again dyed and blackened it, this time passing over the breadth of the land, from end to end, but no one would receive or listen to her mission to avenge her son.
Disappointed in obtaining the succor she sought, Apakura now crossed to Avaiki (Sav?i'i) to the brave descendents of Tangaroa-maro-uka; to Te Ariki-taania, to Tama-te-uru-mongamonga and to Rae-noo-upoko, the first of whom welcomed her, and enquired of her mission. “My child has been killed by my own brothers, Tu-ranga-taua is dead! Hence came I to you to avenge his death, the fame of your deeds and that of your brothers having spread afar. The opportunity has come, three of them are at sea this moment engaged in fishing.” Then Te Ariki-taania arming his men, put to sea, and reached the Apai group where he met the brothers fishing. With pleasant words he inveigled them all into his own canoe, saying: “Let us all fish together, my brethren, and then proceed to your
home; or, if you prefer it we will go to mine.” “Where is thy home?” “Sav?i'i!” “That is right, we will go to Sav?i'i.” Then with smooth words and cunning heart, the Araki placed his guests in convenient order in his own canoe, where, having arranged his weapons, he threw a rope round their necks, and arising, “was soon cutting off their heads.” Te Ariki-taania now returned, and reaching shore, gave the three heads to Apakura, saying, “Here are Tangiia-ua-roro, Te Mata-uri-o-papa, and Iriau-te-marama. But first let me swallow their eyeballs, as a token of what will be the fate of Orokeva-uru; so may he be crushed in my mouth.”17 But Te Ariki-taania now thought he had done enough, so sent Apakura away to his brothers, to Vakatau-i'i and Rae-noo-upoko, in the first of which names we recognise the Maori Whakatau, of whose deeds their histories and songs are full, The story goes on to describe her welcome at Sav?i'i, and the lengthy preparations made by the brothers to avenge the death of their young relative—for the story says Apakura was their tuaine, a cousin probably. Then brave and warlike words were spoken as the expedition mustered and was reviewed on the beach, where the swiftëst and bravest were chosen, mustering 500 all told. The canoes were recaulked, new arms were hewn out, slings and stones collected, spears and clubs of many kinds made. Two months were occupied in these preparations, and then the canoes sailed for the Haapai group, off where they anchored some distance from the shore. Then came a messenger from the island saying, “Do not let us hurry, to-morrow we will fight,” to which all agreed.
On the morrow, the shore was lined with the warriors of Haapai, and Orokeva-uru was heard giving his orders and directions to his people. It was now that Vaka-tau sent ashore his challenge to Orokeva-uru to fight in single combat, both being chiefs of equal rank. And so they commenced their long combat. At the same time Papatu of the Haapai people swam off to attack the canoes, but as soon as his head appeared above water, it was cut off. Then followed Papaneke, and Papa-noo, who shared the same fate. Now came Ta?? and Tapa-kati, thinking they would succeed, but their severed heads soon sank to the bottom, amidst the cheers of the invaders, whilst the hearts of those on shore sank within them. Vaka-tau and his opponent were all this time bravely fighting on the shore, whilst the former's people remained on board; and so it went on—“for seven nights' says the story, a little instance of Polynesian immagination—until Vaka-tau was wounded in the little finger by Orokeva's club, on which he returned on board to recruit before renewing the contest. Rae-noo-upoko, taking advantage of the night, went ashore, where he devised a
cunning snare in the place where Orokeva was to stand next morning when the fight again began, and carried the end of the rope attached to the snare on board his vessel.
When the two warriors met again on the beach in the morning, a fiercer struggle than ever set in. “They strove from early dawn till the sun was high in the sky,” says the narrative, “and then came the pulling of the rope from the vessel; Orokeva was caught; he fell; Vakatau sprang on him, and soon Orokeva's head was on board Vakatau's vessel.” And now it was arranged that Vakatau should remain aboard with 100 men, whilst Rae-noo-upoko proceeded ashore with 400 followers to destroy the people of Atu-Apai, root and branch. A great destruction followed—the houses were burnt, much booty was obtained, and many were killed. Apopo-te-akatinatina and Apopo-te-ivi-roa fled before Vakatau's brother, Tama-te-uru-mongamonga, until they reached the far side of the island, where, hastily lading a canoe, with a few of their people they took to the sea, and eventually made their way to Rarotonga, where they were the first inhabitants, or tangata-uenua, whose descendants were found there 375 years after by Tangiia in the year 1250.
And now, the warriors having done their work, they set up Apakura's younger son, Vaea-ma-kapua, as ariki over the Haapai Group.
If our readers will turn to page 161 of vol. iv of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, they will see the Moriori account of this incident, which differs merely in detail from this brief abstract of the long Rarotonga story to be published in the Native History. In “Polynesian Mythology,” p. 61, is one of the Maori versions of the same event; but there are many others, and, but for the account of the burning of the temple or house—Te Uru-o-Man?no—they are remarkably like that just given, derived from Rarotonga.
I have said previously that the connection between the Rarotongan tangata-uenua, or first settlers there, and the Maoris would be shown. Thus, Apakura's two brothers, both named Apopo (the Hapopo of Maori history), fled to Rarotonga, and there settled; and as Apakura has plenty of descendants amongst the Maoris, the connection is clear. These events occurred about the year 875.
In the times above mentioned, some of the people were still living in Fiji, whilst—as has been shown—others were living in Tonga, Haapai, Sav?i'i, Up?lu, and no doubt also in Vavau, though there is little mention of this island about this period. One of the contemporaries of Apakura was Tuna-ariki, and he lived in Fiji, where a war broke out at this time about Ava-rua, a place which appears to have been one of the principal settlements there, and after which, it is probable, several other places of the same name in Eastern Polynesia
were named. This war was between Tuna-ariki and Tu-ei-puku, the latter being beaten in the struggle, and the au, or government, seized by Tuna-ariki, Tu-ei-puku being finally killed by a puaka-uru-kivi, which means a boar striped like a tiger.
Tu-ei-puku's son was Kati-ongia, about whom is the saying, Kua ariki Kati-ongia; kua au Kuporu (“Kati-ongia became the ruling chief; Up?lu secured peace”), showing that—probably after his father's defeat—he had removed to and become chief of Up?lu. This is one of the few names that can be recognised on Samoan genealogies; its Samoan form is 'Ati-ongie, identically the same name, but, as has been shown, the difference in the genealogical period precludes their being the same individual.
Kati-ongia's grandson was the famous Atonga, who also was a great chief in Up?lu, and in whose time was built the celebrated canoe, which made the many voyages over so large an extent of the Pacific Ocean as related in the Rev. J. B. Stair's “Samoan voyages.”18 In his time also flourished R?t?-vare—according to Rarotongan history the guardian of the forest in which the canoe was built, but in Maori story the actual builder and navigator of it. Atonga's son was Te Ara-tanga-nuku, the first navigator to use this wonderful canoe, and he flourished in Up?lu in the year 950. In Atonga's time lived Tupua-ki-Amoa,19 who was possibly one of the early members of the Tupua family of Samoa, whose descendant is Mataafa, now living.
It is clear that from about this epoch Fiji ceased to play the important part it had done since the times of Tu-tarangi (A.D. 450), or for 500 years, and that the people had spread out from there to most parts of the Pacific. Since the times of Ui-te-rangiora in 650, if we may judge from the silence of the Native history as to any notable voyages, or the mention of any lands other than those in the Western Pacific, it would appear that there had been a partial cessation of expeditions undertaken for the purposes of colonization, though, no doubt, communication was kept up with Eastern Polynesia. It is also clear that just about the times of Te Ara-tanga-nuku, or in 950, a fresh impulse was given to navigation, and from this time forward for many years these Rarotonga-Maoris were frequently passing from east to west, and to the south, but communication does not appear to have been re-opened yet with Hawaii for nearly two hundred years from the period of Te Ara-tanga-nuku.
We can only surmise the cause of this apparent increase of nautical adventure at this time, for the Native History is silent about it. I would suggest that it was due to the increase of the Melanesian
element in Fiji, which must have been growing for some time past, and that it was due to their pressure on the Polynesians that they began about this time to move eastward. It is abundantly clear, from physiology and language, that there was a time when the Melanesians and Polynesians mixed in marriage. I suppose this would occur by the conquest of the latter to a certain small extent, and the capture of Polynesian women, for I think the racial dislike of the Polynesians for black people would prevent a large number of free connections. The result of this mixture is the present Fiji people, which is most noticeable in the Eastern or Lau Group of the Fiji Archipelago, where, it is said, the people are lighter in colour, and where the Polynesians must have been in strongest numbers.
It seems to me probable that Polynesian cannibalism is traceable to this period of their history, and that they learnt it from their Melanesian neighbours in Fiji. The branches of the race that have been most addicted to this practice are the Maoris, the Rarotongans, the Paumotuans and the Marquesans. In Samoa it was unknown, and was very little practised in Hawaii20 and Tahiti. The reason for this would appear to be—in the case of the Samoans, that they occupied their group before the Melanesians arrived in Fiji, and have not been so closely connected with that race as Maoris, Rarotongans, &c. It is true that there was an old custom in Samoa of offering a prisoner to a chief, tied up in coco-nut leaves, ready for “baking” but he was never eaten. This has been stated to be a relic of the time when they were cannibals; but once cannibals, why not always cannibals, as were Maoris and others? Rather, I think, is this a custom that was introduced into Samoa as a mark of humiliation and degradation, based on the known fact that their Melanesian neighbours adopted this custom, not that the Samoans themselves were ever cannibals any more than their remote ancestors in India and Indonesia were. The very few references to cannibalism in Samoan traditions may, I think, be traced to a recollection of the Maori-Rarotongan occupation of the coasts of that group.
With respect to the Tahitians; if, as seems likely, their genealogies only show from forty to fifty generations of residence in that group, then they spread there somewhere about the period of the great Rarotongan navigator, Ui-te-rangiora, and therefore before the Melanesians were in Fiji, or at any rate before they were there in sufficient numbers to influence Polynesian customs. The prevalence of cannibalism at Tahiti to a small extent would be due to the influence of later migrations from Fiji (of which there appear to have been several), and after the original settlers in Tahiti had become numerous.
It is the same with Hawaii. It has been shown that it was about A.D. 650 that this group was first settled, and the strong inference is from Fiji.21 This, again, would be before the time of the Melanesians. Fornander has shown that the Hawaiians remained isolated until about the year 1150, when the southern Polynesians again appeared on the scene, and these southern visitors, who have been shown to be frequently Maori and Rarotongan ancestors, must have been well acquainted with cannibalism. That their customs did not spread in Hawaii—at any rate, to any extent—is due probably to the original inhabitants being in sufficient numbers to make their opinion felt.
In the Marquesas, if we take the period of Nuku of their genealogies—about fifty generations ago—as that at which the islands were first settled, this would be before Melanesian customs affected Fiji. Therefore we may accredit the later and frequent visitors from Fiji with having introduced the custom there. In the early years of this century they were as inveterate cannibals as either Maori or Rarotongan. It is very clear, from the Rarotonga histories, that the connection between the Marquesans and the Maori-Rarotongans is very close, and has been continued from early days down to the thirteenth century. The connection was that of blood relations, and also frequently as bitter enemies—conditions which do not conflict in Polynesia.
We have not sufficient information as to the Paumotu people to say if they have or have not occupied their many-isled group from ancient times, but it is clear that they dwelt for a long time in Fiji. In one of the chants brought back with me, is an account expressed in metaphorical language, describing the growth and spreading of the people from there, and a brief history of their migrations, which may be summarised as follows:—
With its king, Rongo-nui.
With its king, Toi-ane.
With its king, Tangaroa-manahune.
With its king, Itu-paoa.
With its king, Horo-mo-ariki.
With its king, Mari-Tangaroa,
And another king, Mangi-o-Rongo,
And another king who stirred up war.
With its king, Tu-hira,
And the king Tara-tu-vahu,
&c. &c. &c.
It is a somewhat remarkable thing that, in the numerous Polynesian traditions with which we are now acquainted, so few positive statements can be found in reference to the black Melanesian race, with which the Polynesians must so often have come in contact. The only precise statement I know of is that mentioned in the Supplement to the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. v, p. 6, where they are faithfully described, and said to have been living in a neighbouring island to Waerota, the tnen home of the Maori branch of the Polynesians, an island which is known to be in the vicinity of Fiji, but which island is uncertain. There are also a few statements in old Maori chants, which probably refer to the Melanesians, but they are very obscure. Some of the very many meanings of the Maori word tupua, “odd, outlandish, demon, weird-one,” found so often in their
chants and traditions, seem to me to be names for these people. It is just such a name as they would give them at the present day. It is similar in meaning to the Rarotonga taae, which has been already suggested as a descriptive name for the Melanesians.
Fornander, writing of this period, says, “Of that intercourse, contest and hostility between the Papuan (Melanesian) and Polynesian races, there are several traditionary reminiscences among the Polynesian tribes, embodied in their mythology or retained as historical facts, pointing to past collisions and stimulating to future reprisals,” but he does not particularise the statements.
In this connection, another question arises: Why did not the Polynesians use the bow and arrows? for they must have seen the effect of them with the Melanesians. Of course, they did use it as an amusement, but I believe never in war. I have already pointed out the conservatism of the race, and it is due to this cause that they did not use the bow and arrow. Their system of fighting—with few exceptions—was always hand to hand; and this was so much ingrained in the race, like other customs, that they never used the bow—only useful in fighting at a distance. It was against the custom of their ancestors of India and Indonesia, and hence improper in them. They did, however, use the sling, of which mention is often made in Rarotongan history, but it is probable that they did not learn this from the Melanesians—it was an old custom. The Rarotonga name for a sling is maka, the Maori word to sling or throw.
According to Marriner, the Tongans ate human flesh occasionally, but it was a custom apparently of recent introduction from Fiji as, no doubt, was that of their use of the bow and arrow. Besides the Rarotongan and Maori element in the Tongans, which may be inferred from what has preceeded, there was a Samoan one also. The Rev. J. E. Moulton told me that in the time of Ahoeitu, or about thirty-two generations ago, there was a migration of Samoans to Tonga, who settled near Ha'amonga on the N.E. end of Tonga-tapu and who were the builders of the Langi, or stone graves with steps. From that place they subsequently removed to Mua. This would be about the year 1050. But, if these migrants were Samoans—properly so called—why do we see no trace of theLangi in Samoa at the present time? It is more likely that these fresh settlers on Tonga were some of the Maori-Rarotongans, who had a knowledge of this step-form of structure, as is shown in the Tahitian marae.
In the time of Atonga (who lived in Up?lu) or circa 950, the Rarotonga history first mentions a permanent residence of any of these Maori-Rarotongans in Tahiti, not that this was their first occupation
of the island, but rather of that particular branch of the race shown on the genealogies. Apakura's great great grandson was Tu-nui, and he lived on the western side of Tahiti. The saying about him is “Tahiti was the land; the mountains above were Ti-kura-marumaru, and Oroanga-a-tuna, the koutu (marae)on the shore was Puna-ruku and Peke-tau.” Puna-ruku is the well known Puna-ru'u river in the Paea district of Tahiti.
From Tu-nui the history is again silent as to any doings of his successors for six generations, when we find flourishing in Tahiti, Kaua and his wife Te Putai-ariki, and Kaua's brother Rua-tea with his wife Vairoa, who were parents of Ono-kura, one of the most famous of Rarotongan and Tahitian ancestors, about whom are some very lengthy legends. The son of Kaua and Te Putai-ariki was Tangiia-ariki, whose brother was Tutapu (not Tutapu-aru-roa, as the history is careful to tell us). The fact of there being a Tangiia-ariki and a Tutapu flourishing at this period (circa 1100), and a Tangiia-nui with a cousin named Tu-tapu-aru-roa (circa 1250) is likely to mislead readers of this Journal into confusing the two, especially in comparing the Tahitian version of Hono-'ura with the Rarotongan account of Onokura. Indeed, there is confusion in the Tahitian version, where people who lived in 1250 are introduced in connection with Hono-'ura. In view of the completeness of the Rarotongan genealogies we must accept their version as being correct, especially when we consider the details of the family connections given.
The history of Onokura is a very remarkable one, whether the Tahitian or Rarotongan account is considered. In the latter, the narrative is interspersed all through with songs and recitative, which would take many hours in delivery. It is, in fact, a complete “South Sea Opera,” the full translation of which, I fear, will never be obtained, for the songs are full of obsolete words and phrases, the meanings of which are probably unknown to the Rarotongans of these days. It is a remarkable thing that this celebrated ancestor is unknown to the Maoris, and, I think, to the Hawaiians also. I can only suggest that this poet, warrior, and navigator is known to Hawaiians and Maoris by some other name, but even then his deeds are not recorded. Possibly the great fame he has acquired is due to Tahitians and Rarotongans descending more directly from him—as they do—and also to his feats having been gradually and increasingly clothed with the marvellous and wonderful in ages long after the hero himself flourished. The want of a knowledge of the Onokura legends on the part of the Maoris is, I feel, the weak point in my argument that they came from Tahiti to New Zealand. As Onokura flourished circa 1100, and as the Maoris left those parts in 1350, they ought to have some record of him. Again, as he lived in the middle of the second era of
navigation, and during the period, or just before, communication was re-established with Hawaii, he ought to be known to the latter people, but he is not.
Divested of the marvellous—which will be found later on in the original—the history of Onokura in brief, according to Rarotongan tradition, is this: The chiefs of Tahiti had for some few generations back been desirous of proceeding to Iva for the purpose of conquering that group. Iva, from what follows, is clearly the Marquesas, and not the country of the Hiva clan of Raiatea. Onokura appears to have been born at Tautira, Tahiti, which is corroborated by the many place names in the story that are situated near there. I have already described in the first part of this narrative how Ori-a-ori of Tautira pointed out to me the places connected with him, and he claimed, moreover, that Onokura and Tangiia-ariki were his ancestors. The history mentions that at this period the inhabitants of Tahiti had increased to great numbers, and yet amongst them were no brave warriors to be found who would attempt to overcome the monsters of the deep, and other difficulties that lay between them and Iva. At last Onokura was fetched from his mountain home of Ti-kura-maru-maru, where he lived on wild fruits (amongst them the Mamaku and wheki, well known Maori names for species of the tree-fern, the heart of the first named being still eaten by them), thekokopu (trout), and koura (cray-fish). Under his direction a grand p?i, or canoe, was built, and finally launched with much song and ceremony. Then theariki—Tangiia-ariki—prepared for his voyage to overcome the chief of Iva. They now launched forth on Te Moana-o-Kiva, which is the Rarotonga form of the Maori name for the Pacific Ocean (Te Moana-nui-o-Kiwa). In one of the songs here introduced is found the name of Tamatoa-ariki, of Poa, (Opoa), at Ra'iatea, which seems to show that this name, borne in this century by the ruling chief of Ra'iatea, was in existence so long ago as the year 1100. The expedition was overtaken by a dreadful storm off Akaau Island (Fakaau, one of the Paumotus) where Onokura, by his strength and skill repairs the vessel, the name of which was Te Ivi-o-kaua. Then follow visits to the people of Akaau, whose chief was Te Ika-moe-ava, who was related to the visitors; and here Onokura marries his first wife, Atanua, the chief's daughter. In connection with this island is mentioned the name Te Raii, which is probably the Maori Te Raihi, some island or place beyond Tawhiti-nui (or Tahiti), according to Maori traditions.
After a lengthened stay at Akaau, the expedition next proceeds to Te Pukamaru (or Takume, one of the Paumotu group), Onokura leaving his wife and son behind. On arriving at this island, Ngarue, a chief from Iva was found there, with whom there was much fighting, in which Ngarue was defeated, but Onokura loses his ariki, Tangiia-
ariki, who was killed by the enemy. Next they arrive at Iva, where more fighting occurs, and they apparently settle down for some years, for the next event is the arrival of Nga-upoko-turua, Onokura's son, by his wife Atanua, from Akaau. After this there are further wars with the Marquesans, at Rua-unga (Uauka Island) and Rua-pou (Uapou island)22 where lived Parau-nikau, whose daughter Onokura marries; her name was Ina. From here Onokura goes to Tupai, where he died of old age, and his spirit went to Navao. I cannot say which Tupai this is, possibly the little island north of Porapora, Society group.
The above is an extremely abbreviated account of the doings of Onokura. No doubt it relates a nautical warlike expedition from Tahiti to the Marquesas, undertaken by these Rarotongan and Tahitian ancestors. It is interesting as showing the intercourse that took place in those times between distant groups, and the extent to which the ever warlike Polynesian carried his arms. We must remember that this is about the middle of the period of Mr. Stair's so-called “Samoan Voyages,” and it was during Onokura's life-time (or in 1150) that communication was again established with Hawaii, after a seclusion of 500 years. In the story of Onokura, I do not recognise the name of any of the Maori ancestors, unless Ngarue, referred to above, is the same as one of that name shown on Maori genealogies, but proof is wanting.
The following is a confirmation of this communication with Hawaii from Rarotonga History. In the times of Tamarua-paipai, who was a contemporary of Onokura (circa 1100), and who lived in Avaiki-raro (either Fiji or Samoa), great disputes arose over the distribution of certain food, part of which was theariki's tribute. Naea was the ariki, but his younger brothers disputed his rights, and rebelled against him. The names of these brothers were: Tu-oteote, Karae-mura, Tiori, Tu-natu, Kakao-tu, Kakao-rere, Uki, Pana, Pato, and Ara-iti. This revolt ended in a desolating war, which obliged Naea to flee from his country. He proceeded to the east, and on to Vaii (Vaihi, or Waihi, the Tahitian and Maori names for the Hawaiian Group). The narrative is a little obscure here, but apparently he settled in Oahu (Va'u in Rarotongan, which is the Maori pronunciation—Wahu—of Oahu) at a place named Tangaungau. I do not know if such a name is to be found in any of the Hawaiian Islands; its Hawaiian form would be Kanaunau or Konaunau. This place is called, in Rarotongan, “Avaiki-nui-o-Naea.”
This is clearly not the same Naea who lived in Tangiia's time (circa 1250), for three lines of genealogies show this one to have lived
about 1100—a period which is only fifty years from the date assigned by Fornander as the opening of communication afresh between central Polynesia and Hawaii, and it is the first mention of the latter group in Rarotongan story since circa 650. The name of Naea is not to be found in Fornander, but it is quite possible he is known to the Hawaiians by some other appelation. The first of these southerners to arrive in Hawaii, according to Fornander, was a priest named Paao (probably Pakao in the southern dialects), who afterwards brought over one Pili-kaaiea, who became King of Hawaii Island.23
The expedition of Onokura to Iva, (Marquesas) described above, is not the only one we hear of at this period. In the times of Onokura (circa 1100) according to the genealogies, there lived in Rangi-ura—one of the islands to the north of Fiji—a chief named Anga-takurua, whose ancestor Rua-taunga, seven generations before him, or say, about the year 925, was still living in Aviki-atia, or Indonesia. Whilst living at Rangi-ura, there came on a visit to Anga-takurua a chief named Makea, which is the first of that family we hear of, under that name, in the Native history. Makea's visit was to obtain men to form an expedition to Iva. The story then describes the selection of the men for the expedition, with which went Anga-takurua and Pou-o-Rongo as the leaders of their party. The expedition started in two canoes, and made their way to Iti-nui (or Fiji) where they were reinforced by some people from there, and then went on to Iva, where they were very successful, as the story says, they killed 1510 of the Iva people. Anga-takurua now returned to Rangi-ura, his own country, whilst Pou-o-Rongo joined Makea. Five generations afterwards, a descendant of Anga-takurua named Tara-mai-te-tonga settled in Rarotonga with Tangiia, of whose party he was a member.
These long expeditions, undertaken for purposes of war, show to what a pitch the Polynesians, at that time, had carried their powers of navigation. The love of the sea, and its accompanying adventures, must have been very strong in them.
From Onokura for two generations there are no events to record, but in the third, or in the year 1200, flourished Kaukura, who lived in Up?lu, but removed from there and settled in Tahiti. We have now arrived at an interesting period in the history of Eastern Polynesia, where, as will be seen from the Native History, communication was frequent throughout Central Polynesia. These are the times of Tangiia-nui, or circa 1250.
It has been shown that Rarotonga was first settled about 875, by the two men named Apopo, and their people. Here they and their descendants seem to have lived for 375 years, until the settlement there of Tangiia-nui, with few events to mark their history, for no mention is made of the island in the different voyages that are described during that period. There is an old and fanciful legend in relation to Rarotonga, which describes the arrival there of some of their gods—Tonga-iti and Ari—and their dispute as to the ownership of the island, which at that time was called Nuku-tere and Tumu-te-varo-varo: Rarotonga being a more modern name.
It appears from the Native History, that just before Apopo and his people arrived at Rarotonga, another party under Ata-i-te-kura had migrated from Iva24(Marquesas), and settled down there. Apopo settled at Are-rangi, and Ata-i-te-kura at Orotu. These immigrants did not live long in peace, for Apopo desired the island for himself, and determined to kill Ata-i-te-kura. The latter, being informed of this by Tara-iti, a friend of his, dispatched his sons Rongo-te-akangi and Tu-pare-kura right off to Tahiti, to his sister Pio-ranga-taua, for help. Arrived there, they beheld on Mount Ikurangi, at Tahiti, the sign their father had told them of, which foretold his death. The aunt, Pio-ranga-taua, now arranged an expedition to return to Rarotonga, but the young men, not being satisfied with its appearance, proceeded on to Iva, to Airi, the chief in those days, and the younger brother of their father. It was not long before the Iva people were afloat, and sailing down before the trade wind soon reached Rarotonga, and made war on Apopo, who, the story says, had the strongest party, so the Iva people at first suffered a defeat. By a strategem, however, they succeeded in capturing Apopo, and then the Iva chief, Pu-kuru, “scooped out Apopo's eyes and swallowed them”; hence the saying, “Opukia io te puku-o-mata, apaina na Tangaroa hi te rangi, na Rongo ma Tane, e eiva kino te tamaki e.” “Catch the eye-balls, offer them to Tangaroa in the skies, to Rongo and Tane; an evil pastime is war.” After staying some time, the Iva people returned to their own country.
After them came Te Ika-tau-rangi25 (how long after, or where he came from is not stated), who settled down at One-marua. In his time drums and dances were introduced. Again after this came three
canoes, which were cruising about the ocean. When the crews saw smoke and the people ashore, they landed, but were set upon by the natives and driven off. Here ends the brief history of Rarotonga down to the times of Tangiia-nui. If my readers remember that the two men named Apopo were Apakura's brothers, they will see that these early settlers were of the same branch of the Polynesians as many a Maori now living in New Zealand. When Tangiia-nui arrived in Rarotonga in 1250 he found Tane-kovea and others, descendants of Apopo, then living there. Dr. Wyatt Gill says, the men were all killed and the women saved, but our Native History relates nothing of this.
The immediate ancestors of Tangiia-nui seem all to have lived in Tahiti. It can be shown, I think, how Tangiia is connected with the Maori lines of ancestors. One of his names was Uenga, afterwards changed to Rangi and then to Tangiia. His adopted father (and uncle) was Pou-vananga-roa, whose other name was Maru, according to Rarotonga history. In Maori history we find, from an account given by the Urewera people, that Maru-a-whatu had a son named Uenga, and his great-grandson was Tamatea-moa, who, my informant insisted, came to New Zealand in the Taki-tumu canoe. These names may be shown in a table, as below, but it is very difficult at this time to state if it is quite correct.
Tangiia is shown above as a son of Pou-vananga-roa; in reality he was the son of the latter's brother Kau-ngaki, and therefore Pou-vananga-roa's nephew. The connection of the lines depends on the fact of there being a Maru, who had a son Uenga, by both Maori and Rarotonga history. The date of Tamatea-moa is one generation, or twenty-five years, before the mean period of the heke to New Zealand, but if this man was somewhat advanced in life when he came, this discrepancy disappears. Kau-kura (Kahu-kura, in Maori), mentioned
above, was also a noted voyager. It is just possible this is the man who visited New Zealand according to Maori history, and who is accredited by the East Coast tribes with having introduced the kumara to New Zealand.
With respect to Kupe, mentioned in the table above, there is some doubt as to the exact period of his visit to New Zealand, but the Taranaki tribes say that it was in the same generation that Turi came here from Ra'iatea, and the few genealogies we have from him confirm this. Rarotonga history does not mention that Pou-tama was a son of Tangiia's (or Uenga's), but Maori tradition shows that he was a son of Uenga's. According to the table above, Kupe flourished a generation before the fleet came, which is quite near enough to allow of the time being right, and as Rarotongans do not trace descent from Pou-tama, he is not mentioned in their history.
As has been said, Tangiia's father was Kau-ngaki, but he was adopted by Pou-vananga-roa-ki-Iva, as was his cousin Tu-tapu—afterwards called Tu-tapu-aru-roa, or “Tu-tapu the constant pursuer,” in consequence of his relentless pursuit of Tangiia-nui. Pou-vananga-roa distributed to his children their various occupations and ranks; Maono was appointed an ariki of Tahiti, as was Tu-tapu of Iva, whilst Tangiia was made a tavana or subordinate chief. In consequence of this distribution, great trouble arose; in the end Tangiia drove out his foster-brother Maono, and seized the government, in which he appears to have given great offence to his relatives, and which lead to further trouble. There next arose a serious quarrel between Tangiia and Tu-tapu as to the ownership of Vai-iria, a stream in Tahiti (Mataiea District, south coast), which lead to a war between Te Tua-ki-taa-roa and Te Tua-ki-taa-poto—“the first meaning Avaiki, the second Tahiti and Iva.” Other troubles arose about the tribute to these several chiefs, such as the turtle, the shark, and other things which were sacred to the arikis in former times—indeed down to the introduction of Christianity.
Tu-tapu after this returns to his own country, Iva, whilst Tangiia proceeds on a voyage to Mauke Island of the Cook Group, where he marries two girls named Pua-tara and Moe-tuma. His love song to these ladies is preserved. After a time Tangiia returns to Tahiti, where he quarrels with his sister Rakanui about some insignia pertaining to the rank of ariki, and she leaves in disgust and settles in Uaine (Huahine Island) with her husband Maa. Tangiia now seeks diversion from the troubles of government by a long voyage to Avaiki (Sav?ii), and visits many other islands on the voyage, and he remained away some years. On his return to Tahiti he sends Tino-rere to fetch his children from Mauke. Shortly after Tino-rere's return, Tu-tupu arrives from Iva with a war-fleet to demand of Tangiia their father's
weapon, “Te Amio-enua,” and the right to the rara-roroa, and the rara-kuru (man and breadfruit tribute), both tributes of an ariki. But Tangiia refuses, though after some time he concedes the rara-kuru, thinking to appease his cousin, but to no avail. It is clear from the fact of Tangiia's sons having attained to manhood at this time, that he had been absent in the Western Pacific for many years.
Great preparations were now made for war. Tangiia collects his people, the clans of Te Kaki-poto, Te Atu-taka-poto, Te Kopa, Te Tavake-moe-rangi, Te Tavake-oraurau, Te Neke, Te Ataata-a-pua, Te Tata-vere-moe-papa and the Manaune. The two parties now separate, Tu-tapu retiring to Tau-tira, at the east end of Tahiti-iti, whilst Tangiia and his army occupies Puna-auia (a stream and district, west side of Tahiti). War now commences; as the history says, “Tahiti is filled with the Ivans” (Tu-tapu's people), and they press Tangiia so sorely that he orders his vessel to be launched and all his valuables placed on board, including his gods Tonga-iti, Rongo, Tane, Rua-nuku, Tu and Tangaroa, besides his seat (throne?) named “Kai-auunga.” Two other gods we taken by Tu-tapu—viz.; Rongo-ma-Uenga and Maru-mamao. When this had been done, Tangiia again fought Tu-tapu in the mountains, where the former's two sons, Pou-te-anua-nua and Motoro, are killed, the former by the woods (or grass?) being set on fire. And now Tangiia was driven into the sea by his enemies, whilst the country-side was a mass of smoke and flame. Then comes in a little bit of the marvellous: “The goddess Taakura looking down upon the fire fiercely burning, descries Motoro in the midst of it. She spoke to the god Tangaroa, saying, ‘Alas! this ariki; he will be burnt by the fire!’ Said Tangaroa to her, ‘What is to be done! Thou art a god, he is a man!’ ‘Never mind. I shall go down and fetch my husband.’ Then Tangaroa uttered his command, saying, ‘Haste thee to Retu. Let him give thee a blast of wind to extinguish the fire!’ Then was given to her a fierce wind that extinguished the fire, and in this storm she descended and carried away Motoro to ?u?u (Mangaia) with the aid of Te Muu and Te Pepe.”
When Tangiia, in parting looked back upon the land, his heart was full of grief for his home about to be abandoned for ever, and thus he sung his farewell lament:—
For Tahiti that I'm leaving.
Great is my love for my sacred temple—
For Pure-ora that I'm leaving.
Great is my love for my drinking spring—
For Vai-kura-a-mata, that I am leaving;
For my bathing streams, for Vai-iria,
For Vai-te-pia, that I am leaving;
For my own old homes, for Puna-auia,
- 33 For Pape-ete, that I am leaving;
For my loved mountains, for Ti-kura-marumaru,
For Ao-rangi, that I am leaving.
And alas! for my beloved children,
For Pou-te-anuanua and Motoro, now dead.
Alas, my grief! my beloved children,
My children! O! my grief.
O Pou-te-anuanua. Alas! alas!
O Motoro! Alas! O Motoro!
Before finally departing from his home, Tangiia dispatches Tuiti and Te Nukua-ki-roto to fetch certain things from the marae, used by them in connection with their gods; but instead of doing this they stole Tu-tapu's god Rongo-ma-Uenga, and took it on board the vessel. This was the cause that induced Tu-tapu to continue his long pursuit of Tangiia.
The vessel's course was now directed to the west from Tahiti, to many islands, until she arrived even at Avaiki-te-varinga, Tangiia all the while, with excessive grief, lamenting his sons. Tamarua-pai26 came from Tahiti with Tangiia, and he was appointed navigator of the vessel. As they approached Avaiki, they heard the beating of drums and the blowing of trumpets, denoting the performance of a great ceremony and feast. Pai is now sent ashore to interview the gods, or as it probably may be interpreted, the priests of their ancient gods, and finally Tangiia himself has an interview, and explains his troubles. After much discussion it is agreed to help Tangiia, and Tonga-iti says to him—“There is a land named Tumu-te-varovaro; thither shalt thou go, and there end thy days.” Then was given to him great mana, equal to that of the gods, so that in the future he should always conquer; and they delivered to him numerous gods (idols) and their accessories, which he now possessed for the first time, together with directions as to a number of ceremonies, dances and songs, and new customs, which were afterwards introduced into Rarotonga.
Apparently also some people joined Tangiia here, on purpose to carry out the directions that had been given in connection with these new matters. Taote and Mata-iri-o-puna were appointed to the charge of the trumpets and drums, Tavake-orau to the direction of the ceremonial dances, whilst Te Ava-ro from Rangi-raro, was charged
with other trumpets on board the vessel. Moo-kura, a son of Tu-te-rangi-marama also appears to have joined Tangiia, and was afterwards made a guardian of one of the maraes of Rarotonga.
This Avaiki, and the story connected with it is somewhat difficult to understand, but it is clearly some place very distant, and probably in Indonesia27, for on their return, they first called in at Uea or Wallis Island, from where, after much drum beating, &c., they proceeded on to Up?lu, but had to return to Uea for one of their trumpets left behind. Here they were joined by Katu, and thence came back to Up?lu, where more ceremonies were performed, and a song composed, alluding to their adventures.
From Kuporu (Up?lu), Tangiia, sailed back to Iti (Fiji), where they fell in with Iro, a very noted ancestor of Rarotongans, and Maoris, called by the latter Whiro. After some time, Tangiia asks Iro, “Where is thy son? I want him as an ariki for my people, my sons being dead.” “He is away at Rapa, where I have settled him.” Said Tangiia, “I will go after him and fetch him as an ariki for my people,” to which Iro consented. This son of Iro's was Tai-te-ariki, whose name is still borne by Maoris now living in New Zealand, and who are descended from him. It was from Tai-te-ariki also, that the long line of arikis who have ruled over the Ngati-Tangiia tribe of Rarotonga down to my friend Pa-ariki, the present worthy chief of Nga-Tangiia, are descended.
Tangiia now started from Fiji on his long voyage to Rapa-nui or Easter Island to fetch Tai-te-ariki, a voyage dead against the trade wind, and 4,200 miles in length. No doubt he called in at many islands on the way, but they are not mentioned. There he found Tai-te-ariki, who, at that time, was called Taputapu-atea, and after explaining his mission, the young chief joins Tangiia, and the vessel proceeds to the west, to Moorea Island near Tahiti, where Iro was to have met them, but had not arrived. Leaving a message for Iro, Tangiia sailed on to the next island Uaine (Huahine) where an interview takes place with Maa—the husband of Rakanui, who was Tangiia's sister, and who, it will be remembered, had left Tahiti in disgust at Tangiia's conduct. Some high words follow but in the end peace prevails, and Tangiia relates his misfortunes—the disastrous war with Tu-tapu, the death of his children, and his voyage to Avaiki-te-varinga, with the treasures he had brought back from there. Then said Rakanui, “Let us both remain in this land of Uaine; thou shalt dwell on one side, I on the other.” “Not so, I cannot remain; I must go.
There is an island named Tumu-te-varo-varo (Rarotonga) disclosed to me by Tonga-iti.', “What land is that?” “What land, indeed! I have never seen it. I shall go there to live and die, and set up Iro's son as an ariki over my people.” He then names the clans over which Tai-te-ariki is to rule, including the Manaune (already referred to) and the sister then gives Tai-te-ariki a new name, Te-ariki-upoko-tini (the many-headed ariki), referring doubtless to the many clans he was to govern.
Rakanui now presents Tangiia with another canoe named “Kaioi,” which his navigator, Pai, makes use of to convert their own vessel into a vaka-purua or double canoe, thus seeming to indicate that Tangiia's long voyage had been made in a single canoe, or perhaps a canoe with outrigger only. The sister now agrees to join her forces to those of her brother, and they sing a species of song together to ascertain whether salvation or death shall be their fate.
Whilst these transactions were proceeding, there suddenly arrives the dreaded Tu-tapu, and Tangiia flees to Porapora. Here he proceeds to perform the ceremonies connected with the appointment of Tai-te-ariki as an ariki. But, as the story says, “they had not girded him with the scarlet belt” (maro-ura) when Tu-tapu overtakes them, and Tangiia flees to Rangi-atea (Ra'i-atea). Here the two warlike canoes came close together, and Tu-tapu shouts out, “Deliver up my gods! return my gods you took from Tahiti!” Whilst they sail along together, bandying words, the dark tropical night sets in with its usual suddenness, and Tangiia, shearing off, parts company in the dark.
Tangiia—presumably fearing that his proposed project of settling on Rarotonga is known to Tu-tapu—steers before the trade wind and quickly makes the Fiji group again. Here a different disposition of his forces is made and the double canoe fitted up, the ama or lesser canoe for the women and children, the katea or larger canoe for the men. His people are numbered and found to be e rua rau, four hundred. All this is illustrated by song as usual. Apparently this careful disposition of force was in anticipation of meeting the redoubtable Tu-tapu.
The preparations completed, the expedition left Fiji again, going ki runga, or to windward “to visit the many islands there, and increase the reputation of their vessel towards the sun rising.” As they drew near to Maketu (now called Mauke, one of the Cook Group) they beheld a sail. On Tuiti and Nukua-ki-roto climbing up the mast, they discovered that it was the canoe of Karika, of which they informed Tangiia, saying: “Here is Te Tai-tonga;28 thou art as one
dead!” Said Tangiia, “Has he many men?” “A great many; they are numerous!” “Ah! what is to be done!” “What indeed? thou must deliver up to him therangi-ei, the plume of rank upon thy head” (give up the supremacy to Karika). The vessels now draw together and Karika comes on board that of Tangiia, who has been careful to send his warriors below, keeping only the slaves, children and the decrepid on deck, so that Karika might not know his strength. Then follows a scene in which Tangiia attempts to present Karika with the emblems of chieftanship, in which he is prevented by the faithful Pai, the navigator of the vessel. A struggle ensues in which Tangiia, in urging on his people, used the word takitumu, which thenceforth becomes the name of this vessel. Karika seems to have got the worst of it, and his canoe is towed away to Maiao, and to Taanga (Tahaa, near Ra'iatea) where Mokoroa-ki-aitu, Karika's daughter, becomes Tangiia's wife, to cement the peace then made.
Tangiia now learns from Karika the directions for finding Rarotonga, after which the two vessels separate—Karika going his way, whilst Tangiia sails south, but misses his mark and reaches a part of the ocean where great currents meet, and Tangiia concludes he has reached the “mountainous waves” of the south referred to in tradition, in which he is supported by finding the sea quite cold. Putting about ship he sails north, and finally sights the east coast of Rarotonga, and lands at Nga-tangiia, where, like a good and true Polynesian, he at once proceeds to build a marae for his gods at Te Miromiro, close to the present church there.
Next follows a long history of the building of various maraes and koutu, in honour of various gods, to each of which he appointed guardians, whose names are given, many of which are borne by the mataiapos, or chiefs of the island, at this day. Most of these maraes are said to have been named after others in Avaiki (probably the eastern group) and other places, whilst others were named after incidents in his eventful life. The maraes are so numerous that it must have taken a very long time to build them all. Considering that they had also to build houses, plant food, &c., it seems probably that some few years were thus occupied.
Whilst building the marae named Angiangi, and before a guardian had been appointed, there arrived another expedition under Naea, in his canoe “Atea-roa.” “They were seven in number,” which I think refers to the number of the people, which of course means fourteen, according to the Polynesian method of counting—not a very large expedition. It will be remembered that on a former page it is stated that the New Zealand canoes came with the tere of Naea, but in this I think there is a mistake. Had they done so, the writer of this Native History would not fail to have mentioned the fact. Only one
canoe is named above, and that is not known to New Zealand tradition. This Naea and his party are said to have come from a place called Arava, in the Paumotu Group; they belonged to the Tonga-iti clan.
It was with this expedition also that Te Aia family came to Rarotonga, from Avaiki (Western Pacific) originally, but subsequently from Tahiti Te Aia's son was Tui-au-o-Otu, whose son was Te Ariki-na-vao-roa-i-te-tautua-mai-o-te-rangi, who married Marama-nui-o-Otu, a child of Iro's.
Just before the arrival of Naea, another party of immigrants arrived from Up?lu, under Tui-kava, who settled at Paparangi and Turangi.
After these events, Tangiia meets with Tane-korea, his wife, and two daughters, both of whom he marries. These people, as has been shown, were some of thetangata-uenua, and descendants of the migration to Rarotonga in 875.
Some time after, how long is not known, came Karika, in fulfilment of his promise. He landed at a place called E, and built there a koro or fort, which he named Are-au. The story then quotes an old song to show that Karika was a cannibal. Karika found his own daughter, Mokoroa-ki-aitu, and her husband, Tangiia, living at Avarua, the present principal village of Rarotonga.
They had not been settled very long in Rarotonga before a fleet was seen in the offing, which turned out to be the “relentless pursuer” Tu-tapu, still following up his old enemy Tangiia. Fighting commences, in which both Tangiia and Karika join with their people; but there was a cessation after a time, and—evidently thinking that he would be worsted in the end, notwithstanding the great powers that had been given to him during his visit to Avaiki-te-varinga—Tangiia dispatches his sister Rakanui and his foster-brother Keu right away to Tahiti, to his old father Pou-vananga-roa, for help. The old man was blind and helpless, but he proceeds with his divination to ascertain the issue of the conflict. Then unfortunately comes in a break in the story; but we next find the two messengers, after burying their father, starting back for Rarotonga with some potent charms, &c, They call in at Mangaia, and then reach the place they started from, where the war still continues.
But I do not propose to detail this lengthy war; it will be found in full in the Native History. It resulted in the death of Tu-tapu, and a great number of his warriors from Iva. During the progress of it, the supremacy was delivered over by Tangiia to Karika, and it has descended to his living representative, Queen Mak?a-Takau, the chief of the Federal Government of the Cook Islands, at the present day.
Tangiia's counsel to his people at the end of this war is worthy of record. “His words to the body of Priests and to all Ngati-Tangiia (his tribe) were: ‘Let man be sacred; let man-slaying cease; the land must be divided out amongst the chiefs, from end to end; let the people increase and fill the land.’ Another law he laid down: ‘Any expedition that arrives here in peace, let them land. Any that comes with uplifted weapon, knock off their heads with the clubs.’ These were the words spoken in those days.” I am afraid the subsequent history of the people proves that Tangiia's words of wisdom were often disregarded.
The part of the history that follows on these events is very interesting, as showing how Tangiia instituted the various ceremonies and customs he had learnt on his long voyage to Avaiki-te-varinga, but this must be left for the Native History to tell.
In Tangiia's old age, Karika urged him to join in a voyage to Iva to help obtain a celebrated canoe named “Pata”; but he declined, though some of his people went with Karika, who left his son Puta-i-te-tai in Tangiia's care. The Iva people laid a plot to kill Ngati-Tangiia, but they being warned in time escaped back to Rarotonga, whilst Karika was killed.
Tangiia's son was Motoro, his son was Uenuku-rakeiora, his son was Uenuku-ki-aitu, his son was Ruatapu, renowned in Maori history. This brings us to the year 1350, when the fleet on its way to New Zealand called in at Rarotonga.
In these times, as has been mentioned, there lived in Avaiki, which is one of the places of that name in Indonesia, a man of the same name as the great ancestor of the Rarotongans, Tu-te-rangi-marama. His home was on a sacred mountain that had four names, none of them important for our purposes. He had a son named Mookura and another named Tu-ariki, both contemporaries of Tangiia's. When Tangiia built the marae called Kura-akaangi in Rarotonga, he and Tamarua appointed Moo-kura as guardian. The son of the latter was Tama-kake-tua-ariki, who lived in the Arorangi district of Rarotonga, at Akaoa. It is related of this man that he made a voyage to Tuanaki, the lost island south of Rarotonga; and before he left he warned his wives—Toko and Uti-rei—to remove from the shore, for on the seventh night after his departure an affliction would fall on the place. This came in the shape of a great wave, and those who heeded not the warning were swept away, the rest saving themselves by flight to the mountains.
In reference to Uenuku-rakeiora mentioned above, who is known to Maori history, it is noted that Tangiia's son Motoro married two wives—Pua-ara-nui, and Te Vaa-rangi—by each of whom he had a son. Pua-ara-nui's son was concealed by the priest Etu-roa, so Vaa-
rangi's son (the youngest) Uenuku-rakeiora came to be ariki. When this was discovered afterwards, the elder son Uenuku-tapu was made a mataiapo, or lesser chief, and his descendants are also living in Rarotonga now, as I gather from the Native History. As already shown some of the descendants of Uenuku-rakeiora came to New Zealand, viz.: his grandson Paikea, Ruatapu's brother. It was Uenuku-rakeiora's son Uenuku (by the Rarotonga history called Uenuku-te-aitu) who was the great chief and priest in Hawaiki according to Maori story, just before the heke to New Zealand. From this we may gather that, if born in Rarotonga, he did not live all his life there, for we have—from Maori history—several accounts of his visit to Rarotonga to make war on Tawheta or Wheta, when the incidents known as Te Ra-to-rua and Te Moana-waipu occurred. Rarotonga is mentioned in these Maori legends as the island Uenuku went to in order to avenge his children's death. It is not clear from Maori history whether this Uenuku is the same as the man with a similar name who lived in Ra'iatea when Turi left there.
Uenuku-rakei-ora's wife and his mother both came from Iva (Marquesas) so says the story; but it is a question if Iva here, does not mean the part of Rai'atea occupied by Te Hiva clan.
The history of Karika, mentioned above, has been given in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. i, p. 70. The events therein related regarding the settlement of Rarotonga will not be found to agree exactly with those which will follow in the Native History, but after all the differences are not great, It is known that Karika came from Samoa, and in the records of the Manu'a island of that group, the name is preserved, under the form of 'Ali'a, who, according to traditions collected by the Rev. J. Powell, edited by Dr. Fraser, and published in the “Transaction of the Royal Society” of New South Wales, vol. for 1891, p. 138, lived about twenty-three generations, or reigns ago. The table of kings, not being wholly a genealogy, cannot be compared with those of Rarotonga, but still, the Manu'a tables, such as they are ought not to differ greatly. We find from Rarotonga history that Karika flourished twenty-four generations ago, and that there are twenty-three names on the Manu'a list—sufficiently near to allow of their being the same individual.
The Rarotonga accounts, however, make Karika's father and mother to have been named Eaa and Ueuenuku; the Mauu'a (Samoan) accounts give them as Le Lolonga and Auia-luma. The ancestors preceding Le Lolonga are also quite different to those in the Rarotonga account (Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. i, p. 70). This leads me to infer the probability of 'Ali'a having been
interpolated on the Manu'a line, being possibly a nephew or other relative of Le Lolonga's, and that 'Ali'a (or Karika) was really one of the Maori-Rarotongans, and not a true Samoan. He was probably a member of one of the families who at that time occupied the coast lands of a considerable part of Samoa. The Rarotonga account of his doings in Samoa seems rather to point to this.
It has been shown on a former page that the period of Karika and Tangiia (circa 1250) is that also of the first Malietoa in Samoa, in whose time the Samoans appear to have first got the upper hand of the so-called Tonga-Fijians, or, in other words, the Maori-Rarotongans. It seems to me that this is the probable reason of Karika's leaving Samoa, his relationship to the Rarotonga people who were then living in Samoa and Fiji, made it advisable for him to leave, together with others. It is stated that he made eight different voyages between Rarotonga and Avaiki, which would here include both Samoa and Fiji, and for part of this time he was engaged in wars in Avaiki and other islands in the neighbourhood, The name of his double-canoe was Te-au-ki-Iti and Te-au-ki-Tonga.
From this period (1250) the Rarotonga history does not mention a single voyage back to Samoa or Fiji, though some are noted to the nearer group of Tahiti, &c. So far as we can judge, communication with Western Polynesia ceased, and the reason I suggest is, that the Samoans had expelled the Rarotonga-Maori branch of the race from their group. As for Fiji, it is probable that some of these people still remained there, and that they, in the course of the 600 years that have since elapsed, have played an important part in modifying the original Melanesian Fijians, so that they are now a cross between the two races.
We have seen already that one of Tangiia-nui's contemporaries was Iro (circa 1250), whose son Tai-te-ariki was adopted by the former. This Iro, is the Maori hero Whiro, and Tahitian hero Hiro. In the legends of all three branches of the race he fills a large space, as voyager and warrior. The Rarotongan account of him is, in brief, as follows: Moe-tara-uri was the ariki or ruling chief of Vavau, the northernmost island of the Tonga group. Hearing of the beauty of Aki-mano29 the wife of Pou-ariki, Moe-tara-uri visited Kuporu (or Upolu) to endeavour to obtain this lady for himself. She appears to have been a person of distinction for we are told the names of seventeen people who formed her bodyguard, who it would seem were appointed by her husband to keep off would-be lovers. Moe-tara-uri was succesful in his amours, and the time came when it was apparent
that there would be some fruit of their union. He said to Aki-mano, “If a boy is born, call him Iro-ma-oata, in remembrance of the nights of the moon I was with thee. I leave with thee some things for my child—my weapon, “Nio-tamore,” my girdle, “Tava-manava,” an inner garment (a pona), “Au-ma-tuanaki,” and my pillow, “Te Veri.” When the child was born it was a boy, and the mother called him Iro. Then follow some incidents of his boyhood, his falling-out with his elder brothers, their attempt to kill him, which attempt he hides from his mother.
A great function was to be held at the marae of Avarua, and the ariki (Pou-ariki) and priests were discussing and rehearsing matters inside a house, and were evidently at a loss for some one to perform certain parts of the ceremonies. Iro crept up to the house, and secretly learnt the sacred karakias or incantations as recited by the old men.30 He then prepares kava for them, and they enquire if he has acquired the karakias. On learning that he has, they appoint him to that particular part of the ceremony on the morrow. At the function Iro acquits himself to perfection, one of the karakias (which is given) being similar to theKauraura given on a former page, in which the names of the various stages in their migrations from the far west are mentioned. They are Atia, Enua-kura, Avaiki and Kuporu, in which will be noticed Enua-kura (the land of red feathers), which I have ventured on a former page to suggest is New Guinea.
Iro, having grown to man's estate, obtains from his mother the name of his father, and decides to go in search of him. Te Io-ariki arrives at Kuporu from Manuka-tea at this juncture, to obtain a god from there, and whilst he is absent in the mountains, Iro, after an amusing conversation with the crew of the canoe, persuades them to put to sea with him. On starting, he sings a species of song called a tarotaro, in which I recognise a reference to Tura,31 a companion voyager of Iro's, according to Maori story; and also the names of Titi-rau-maeva32 and T?eta (Tawheta), both Maori ancestors. They sail away and arrive at Vavau, where they have great difficulty in landing through the breakers, in which Iro much distinguishes himself. Moe-tara-uri (his father) is standing on the beach, in admiration of the skill displayed. “Who is this young chief that dares the waves of Vavau?” “'Tis I! Iro-ma-oata, son of Moe-tara-uri and of Aki-
mano; begotten on the nights of Iro and Oata.33 This is he that stands before thee.” Moe-tara-uri was delighted, and declared that Iro must be a son of his from the way he overcame the waves. He then appoints him ariki over all Vavau.
Iro now makes a voyage to take back his brothers to Kuporu, and met with some notable adventures on the way, due to the ill-treatment of Taki-aitu, “the bird of Tane, god of navigators,” by his crew. The bird escapes and complains to Tane, who questions it closely as to who injured it. “Was it the descendants of Ui-te-rangiora that thus maltreated thee? No! for they are accustomed to thy care as thou hoverest over them. Was it the mischievous family of Pou-ariki that hurt thee? Say then who it was!” The bird nodded its head, and then the assembled gods chanted their dirge, in which occurs the following:—
And drive before it Rua-kapanga;
Urge on to Iti-nui, to Iti-nui indeed,
That its beautiful face may be seen,
And also its handsome plumage.
In this we see again a reference to Maori story—Rua-kapanga,34 the bird that brought Pou-ranga-hua back to New Zealand from Hawaiki on its back. Now Tane was enraged, and sought how he might avenge this dishonour done to his bird. He sent a great storm, which capsized the vessel, and all were drowned except Iro, who miraculously escapes and reaches Tane's home, where, to shorten a long story, he gets Tane into such straits that he sues for mercy. “O Iro, let me live!” “Why should thou live, O Tane?” “Nay then, Iro, if I live I will be thy god and thy defender. The seven hosts, the four isles, shall be thy heritance—Porapora, Taanga, Vaiau, and Moturea, they are thine.” And so Iro let Tane escape.
After this Iro went to Tahiti, and dwelt in the neighbouring island of Moorea, where he hewed out of a rock the figure of a dog, and did other works. But, tiring of this, he returned to Vavau, where he built a home for himself, about the ainga (Maori, whainga), removal of tapu, of which is a peculiar story, in which some strange people called Iti-kaupeka (Maori, Whiti-kaupeka, the name of a tribe in ancient days in New Zealand) take part. After this a new canoe is built, and much trouble occurs amongst Iro's children, of whom only one can be recognised as known to Maori history, and that is Marama. At the
building of this canoe occurs the incident known in the Maori story of Whiro, where the greedy child is strangled in the loop of the rope used in lashing the canoe together.35 But in the Rarotonga story it is Iro's wife Vai36 that is strangled and buried in the chips. Her son comes and takes away the body and buries it on a motu (litle island on the reef) called Enua-kura.
Towards the end of Iro's career, a long war is described with Puna, when many of Iro's sons are killed, but through the succour brought by his daughter Piu-ranga-taua, and his son, Marama-toa-i-enua-kura,37 the tribe of Puna is exterminated.
If what has been said about the connection between Maori and Rarotongan ancestors is true, it follows that the Moriori people of the Chatham Islands formed part of the same branch of the race, together with the Hawaiians. The Morioris have a good many words in common with the Rarotongans, which the Maoris have not retained in their dialect. The Hawaiians and Morioris are the only two branches of the race—so far as I am aware—that use the causitive form of the verb in hoko, (Hawaiian ho'o). Of the principal dialects of Polynesia, the following are the most alike, in the order given: Maori (and Moriori), Rarotongan, Tahitian and Hawaiian. After these, but with greater divergence, come Mangarevan, Paumotuan, Futunaan, Marquesan, Tongan and Samoan.
The Moriori traditions are very precise in many respects. They say that they arrived at the Chatham Islands (Re-kohu) from Hawaiki; but as they have retained the common name of New Zealand, Aotea-roa, in their traditions, besides another old name of the North Island, Huku-rangi, and moreover knew the old name of the north end of the South Island, Aropaoa, there seems little doubt that they went to the Chathams from New Zealand, the more so, as we now know that this country was also called Hawaiki, i.e., Hawaiki-tautau. They are acquainted also traditionally with the names of several New Zealand trees, not known elsewhere. The two lines of genealogies we have of
this people, show that the migration to the Chatham Islands took place, by one line twenty-seven, by the other twenty-nine, or a mean of twenty-eight generations ago.38
On these Moriori tables are shown three well known ancestors of the tangata whenua of New Zealand: Toi, Rauru and Whatonga, as father, son and grandson, just in the same order on both Maori and Moriori tables, but in the latter they are included amongst the gods, or deified ancestors perhaps. I cannot help thinking that these people are misplaced on the Moriori lines, and that this is due to the important position they held in New Zealand as living immediately before the Morioris left this country. According to the New Zealand tables (printed p. 182 of vol. iv, Journal of the Polynesian Society) Toi lived, by the mean of a large number of lines, twenty-eight generations ago, and by Moriori tradition, that people left through wars in the time of Rauru, his son, and as they do not know any Maori ancestors later than Whatonga, Rauru's son, I think we may safely assume that the migration took place twenty-seven generations ago, according to the Maori lines, or twenty-eight by those of the Morioris. This would be about the year 1175.
The Moriori traditions mention more than one incident in Polynesian history before this date, but only one, I think, that is supposed to have occured since, and this is very doubtful. I refer to the story of Manaia, who, by one Maori story, was captain of the Tokomaru canoe that came here in 1350. Many old Maoris whose ancestors are supposed to have come in the Tokomaru canoe, do not know this ancestor at all and will not allow that he came in that canoe. This seems to indicate that it is an old Polynesian story, that has in process of time been accredited to the voyage of the Tokomaru canoe, but in reality the incident took place long before I would add, that if the period of Toi be taken from the table published in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. vii, p. 40, then if the time of Rauru be taken as that at which the Morioris left New Zealand, the number of generations will be twenty-nine back from 1850, or one more than I have shown above.
It has been shown by Fornander that voyages from the central Pacific to Hawaii ceased in the time of Laa-mai-kahiki, or about 1325, and from that time down to the visit of Captain Cook in 1778, the islanders remained isolated from the rest of the world. Recent
researches, since the time of Fornander, however, go to prove that a Spanish navigator, Juan Gaetano, really discovered the group in the year 1555.39 It has been a matter of some enquiry as to what was the cause of this cessation of voyages to Hawaii, after they had endured for some one hundred and seventy-five years, or from the year 1150 to 1325. I have shown the great probability that some of these voyagers were the Rarotonga-Maori branch of the race then residing in Tahiti, Marquesas and the Eastern Pacific. In 1250 a large party of these bold adventurers settled in Rarotonga, and in 1350 others removed to New Zealand. This being so, it seems to me that new outlets having been found for their energies, and the boldest navigators of the race having found fresh lands on which to settle, there no longer remained the strong inducement to keep up communication with Hawaii that had previously existed—they no longer required the Hawaiian lands on which to settle, and so the voyages ceased.
It seems probable, that between the date of Tangiia's settlement on Rarotonga in 1250, and the arrival of the fleet in New Zealand in 1350, occurred a number of solitary voyages to New Zealand under Tu-moana, Paoa, Kupe, Ngahue, and several others, the exact dates of which are very difficult to fix. Many of these people returned to Eastern Polynesia, leaving some portion of their crews in New Zealand. After 1350 we have the record of only one voyage back to Hawaiki, and that was in the same generation that the fleet arrived. Since that time down to the arrival of Capt. Cook in 1769, the Maoris, like the Hawaiians, remained isolated from the rest of the world.
This long story must now be brought to a close, and the Native Historian be allowed to tell his own tale, and carry it on to the present day—for from the period at which I leave it, the history is that of Rarotonga island, not of the Polynesian people. The author, in collecting and writing down the scattered stories from which these notes are gleaned, had little idea that they were capable of being worked up into a history of his race. For this very reason they have a value they might not otherwise have possessed. It has been shown how fully these stories confirm the main outlines of Polynesian history as derived from other branches of the race. In starting the sketch of Rarotongan history, I proposed to shew how it confirmed Fornander's history as derived from the Hawaiians. I claim that this has been done, and that the two series of traditions mutually support one another, and also those of the Maoris, in a remarkable degree.
It will be for some one else to show whether the traditions of other branches run in the same direction, but I fear this will never be done. Unless the French priests have collected the traditions of Mangareva (Gambier Islands) and Paumotu, there is not much chance of it; and we may now safely say that nothing of great importance affecting the general history of the race will ever be obtained in Samoa, nor probably Tonga.40
It has also been shown, I think, these traditions support Dr. Fraser's views of the Malayo-Polynesian theory (as published in the Polynesian Journal), derived principally from the linguistic point of view. These warlike, stalwart, capable, dignified Polynesian navigators and poets, with their love of a joke withal, have no connection with the morose Malay.
A summary of Dr. Fraser's views on the origin of the Polynesians will be found on page 3, vol. vii, of the Polynesian Journal. There is nothing in those views that is contradicted by the Rarotonga-Maori traditions, and I would suggest as probable that the Manahune represents the black or darker race that he supposes to have amalgamated with the fairer race to produce the present Polynesian.
I think it may be claimed that the Rarotongan traditions will have added more to the general history of the race than any yet published, but let no one think that the work has been finished. We have yet to account for many things that these traditions do not touch on. Amongst others, how did they acquire the many Aryan words in their language? Whence do they derive the large number of Semitic customs they possess? Where did they learn words of the South American languages? I will venture to offer a brief theory to account for these, but the evidence is far too long to quote here: At a very early date, the Polynesians occupied inland India and were found there by the Aryan invaders, that these two peoples resided side by side for long years, until the pressure of the Aryans forced the Polynesians eastward. Logan tells us that long anterior to the Aryan irruption into India, the country now called Beloochistan was occupied by a Semitic race. If so, the Polynesians were their near neighbors and from them learnt their undoubted Semitic customs. To voyagers who have penetrated the Antarctic seas, a voyage from the extreme east of Polynesia to South America would present no difficulty. They took their language there, and left some of it behind in exchange for the kumara (Convolvulus batatus) which they brought back with them, for De Candolle tells us this tuber is a native of South-Central America.
But their traditions are silent as to any such voyages, or as to the introduction of the kumara amongst them. The Quichua name for the kumara is said to beumar. The Maoris have a few fanciful stories about the kumara, saying that it was the offspring of Pani, but nothing that can be called historical.
The dates used in this paper will no doubt be questioned, but before anyone seriously does so let him first thoroughly study Polynesian tradition and genealogies, Anyone who takes up the study, will find them full of contradictions on the surface, but carefully studied, he will in the end find them wonderfully consistent. The source from which they are obtained is everything; and I hold that Te Ariki-tara-are, high priest of Rarotonga, the writer of the Native History to follow, is a source both reliable and entertaining.
For the use of Polynesian scholars, I add a table of events and dates, derived from these Rarotongan and other sources. They are of course only approximate, but will serve the purpose of a summary of the history of the people, on which others may build.Approximate Dates in Polynesian History derived from Rarotonga Records, etc.
|Te Nga-taito-ariki and Tu-te-rangi-marama rule over Atia-te-varinga-nui (India)||450|
|Te Kura-a-moo migrates to Avaiki-te-varinga (Java)||65|
|Vai-takere lives in Avaiki-te-varinga; discovery of breadfruit||50|
|Period of Wakea (Fornander)||390|
|Tu-tarangi is living in Fiji; first mention of Samoa||450|
|Period of Tinirau||500|
|Period of Renga-ariki||575|
|Tu-tonga-kai-a-Iti lives in Tonga-nui; others in Samoa||600|
|Period of Ui-te-rangiora, the navigator; Antarctic voyages||650|
|Hawaii first settled||650|
|Marquesas probably settled||675|
|Period of Tawhaki||700|
|Maku visits New Zealand||850|
|Tahiti was inhabited at this time, but not then settled for the first time, probably||850|
|Period of Apakura||875|
|Rarotonga first colonised by Apopo and Ata-i-te-kura||875|
|Period of Tuna-ariki and Tu-ei-puku in Fiji||875|
[Inserted unpaginated page]
|Te Ara-tanga-nuku and commencement of the second period of voyages||950|
|Tu-nui lives in Tahiti||950|
|Samoan migration to Tonga-nui||1050|
|Period of Onokura and of Naea, who visits Vaii (Hawaii)||1100|
|Voyages to Hawaii from the south (Fornander)||1150|
|Time of Toi-kai-rakau, New Zealand||1150|
|Moriori migration to the Chatham Islands from New Zealand||1175|
|Period of Pau-matua, voyages between Tahiti and Hawaii||1225|
|Period of Tangiia-nui, Iro, Tutapu and second settlement of Rarotonga||1250|
|Awa-morehurehu, of New Zealand, goes to Rarotonga||1300|
|Voyages from the south to Hawaii cease (Fornander)||1325|
|Sundry voyages to New Zealand under Paoa, Tu-moana, Kupe, Ngahue, &c.||1250 to n1325|
|New Zealand settled by “The Fleet”||1350|
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